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据悉，最近浙江省台州市玉环县一人大代表反映：玉环县芦浦镇漩门村主任杨典荣因不同意漩门镇领导李剑毅、林春平干涉村民选举，被控非法卖地关押，2008年被关押一个月后被取保候审。杨典荣要求撤销取保候审，却因8月奥运而一拖再拖。
2009年6月，现消息传出，玉环县法院一审判杨典荣非法土地转让罪一年半徒刑，缓期2年。判决当天，漩门村部分村民要求旁听，法院里却没有空余座位，村民要求"还我村长"。该土地至今仍在种植蔬菜瓜果，保持原样，未被破坏和使用。村民认为杨典荣无罪，所谓非法转让土地是正常的土地流转，加到杨典荣头上的罪名是莫须有的。按照中国有关法规规定，判刑人员不得担任村长（村民委员会主任），现在漩门村仍无新村长上任，村民仍要求杨典荣继续担任村长。
杨典荣不服一审判决，决定上诉，已聘请台州市律师担任辩护人。目前，杨典荣已向新华社等媒体投诉，但当地法院有些官员劝杨不要上诉了，称这是领导指示的案子，他们也没有办法。这难道就是和谐社会的本来面目？
2009年6月22日星期一
浙江玉环村长挑战镇党委书记操纵选举获刑
2009年6月21日星期日
李学举：把村委会民主选举实践进一步推向深入
中国网 china.com.cn 时间： 2009-05-31
日前，经党中央、国务院同意下发的《中共中 央办公厅、国务院办公厅关于加强和改进村民委员会选举工作的通知》（中办发〔2009〕20号），是继2002年《中共中央办公厅、国务院办公厅关于进一 步做好村民委员会换届选举工作的通知》（中办发〔2002〕14号）之后，又一部专门指导村委会选举工作的重要文献。民政部是负责文件起草的单位，为帮助 读者全面准确把握《通知》的基本精神，记者就有关问题采访了民政部部长李学举。
记者：据了解，从1988年6月村委会组织法颁布试行、1998年11月修订实施以来，除广东、海南、重庆等少数地方外，全国绝大多数农村已进行了7次以上村委会换届选举。村委会选举日益引起社会的广泛关注，请您介绍一下制定出台这个文件的背景？
李学举：村委会选举是我国社会主义民主在农村最广泛的实践形式之一。目前，全国农村有村委会60.4万个、经依法民主选举产生的村委会成员230多万人。制定出台《通知》，加强和改进村委会选举工作，具有重大的现实意义。
一是总结近年来村委会选举好经验好做法的需 要。经过7次以上的村委会换届选举，各地村委会选举普遍进入了规范化阶段。随着村委会选举工作的不断深化，各地的选举出现了一些创新做法，如在选举方式上 引入了无提名候选人选举、定位选举等；在选举监督方式上引入了村民选举监督委员会、选举监督员和司法公证等；在村党组织和村委会选举联动上探索出了一票双 推、两推一选等。这些做法对于保障村民群众的民主选举权利发挥了很好作用，有必要将这些好经验好做法上升为政策。
二是全面贯彻落实党的十七大和十七届三中全 会精神的需要。党的十七大把基层群众自治制度确立为中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的四项制度之一，要求把发展基层民主作为发展社会主义民主政治的基础性工 程重点加以推进，保障人民享有更多更切实的民主权利。党的十七届三中全会把"农村基层组织进一步加强，村民自治制度更加完善，农民民主权利得到切实保障" 纳入到2020年农村改革发展的目标任务之中，并将"健全农村民主管理制度"作为今后农村改革发展必须大力加强的六项重大制度之一，明确提出"深入开展以 直接选举、公正有序为基本要求的民主选举实践"的任务要求，对进一步加强农村基层民主政治建设提出了新的更高要求。
三是切实解决村委会选举问题的需要。近年 来，村委会选举工作在全国各地农村深入开展，对保障村民自治、发展农村基层民主发挥了重要作用。但也应看到，有的地方村委会选举竞争行为不规范，贿选现象 严重，影响了选举的公正性；有的地方没有严格执行村委会选举的法律法规和政策，影响了村民参与热情；有的地方对村委会选举中产生的矛盾纠纷化解不及时，影 响了农村社会稳定。加强和改进村委会选举工作，有利于密切党群干群关系，维护农村社会稳定，推动农村全面建设小康社会进程。
四是应对当前农村新形势的需要。当前，国际 金融危机仍在蔓延，我国经济发展的外部不确定因素在继续增加，国内保增长、保民生、保稳定的任务日趋繁重，保增长、保民生、保稳定重点在"三农"。村委会 选举问题处理不当，极易造成农村社会局部甚至全局的不稳定。今年全国有12个省份要进行村委会换届选举，适应新形势的要求，加强和改进村委会选举工作，服 务于保增长、保民生、保稳定的工作大局，任务更加紧迫，意义更加重大，形势更加严峻。制定出台《通知》对于保障村委会选举的公正有序，保障村民享有更多更 切实的民主权利，推动农村经济平稳较快发展，具有重要意义。
记者：文件充分体现了以胡锦涛同志为总书记的中央领导集体对亿万农民民主权利的高度重视，把握其精神要义至关重要。请问如何理解把握好这个文件的基本精神？
李学举：《通知》以邓小平理论和"三个代表 "重要思想为指导，深入贯彻落实科学发展观，按照党的十七大关于坚持和完善基层群众自治制度和党的十七届三中全会关于健全农村民主管理制度的要求，坚持党 的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一，既立足当前的工作需要，又着眼今后一个时期的工作指导，对加强和改进村委会选举工作提出了若干针对性意见，我们 要全面准确把握，领会其精神实质。
要全面准确把握村委会选举工作状况，客观分 析当前工作中存在的问题和不足，增强坚持和完善农村村民自治制度的信心，增强加强和改进村委会选举工作的自觉性，把以直接选举、公正有序为基本要求的村委 会选举实践进一步推向深入。要全面准确把握《通知》对做好村委会选举前各项准备工作的要求，切实加强选举领导机构和工作机构、选举教育和培训、选举方案制 定、村级财务审计等工作，以保障村委会选举工作的顺利进行。要全面准确把握《通知》对规范村委会选举程序的要求，依法规范村民选举委员会产生程序、村委会 成员候选人提名方式、候选人的竞争行为、投票行为等重要环节，以保障村委会选举公正有序操作。要全面准确把握《通知》对做好村委会选举后续工作的要求，扎 实做好新老村委会交接、新当选村委会成员培训、村务公开和民主管理制度健全、村委会成员合法权益保障等工作，以巩固村委会选举成果，健全村党组织领导的充 满活力的村民自治机制。要全面准确把握《通知》对村委会选举中贿选等违法违纪行为查处的要求，以促进形成和谐选举的良好局面。要全面准确把握《通知》对村 委会选举工作加强组织领导的要求，健全和落实领导责任制，认真做好群众来信来访工作、加大村委会选举工作的监督力度、加强舆论引导，以维护农民群众合法权 益，保障村委会选举工作有序推进。
记者：作为新时期指导村委会选举的纲领性文献，这个文件在规范村委会选举工作上有哪些新亮点、新要求？
李学举：《通知》提出了加强和改进村委会选举的基本思路、政策性意见，对村委会选前、选中、选后以及违法违纪行为查处等进一步作出了明确规定。
――进一步明确强调要做好村委会选举前的各 项准备工作。《通知》明确提出，凡进行村委会选举的地方，省、市、县、乡各级都要成立专门的领导机构和工作机构，保证必要的工作人员和经费；明确要求凡不 掌握村委会选举法律法规和相关政策的县乡干部以及在选举培训中不合格的县乡干部，不得派到村里指导选举工作。《通知》加大了外出务工经商人员选举权利的保 障力度，要求"加强与外出务工经商人员联络沟通，妥善解决他们依法行使选举权和被选举权问题"，明确了往届选举"难点村"和"重点村"政策措施，强化了无 故取消或拖延村委会换届选举的责任追究制度，规范了村委会成员任期届满审计工作。这就对做好村委会选举前的各项工作提出了明确要求。
――进一步强调要规范村委会选举程序。针对 一些地方村民选举委员会成员产生中的各种问题，《通知》强调"村民选举委员会成员必须依法推选产生，任何组织或个人不得随意指定、撤换村民选举委员会成员 "。为加强党的领导，在总结近年来各地实践经验基础上，《通知》明确"提倡按照民主程序将村党组织书记推选为村民选举委员会主任，主持村民选举委员会工 作，发挥村党组织的领导核心作用"。进一步坚持了中办发〔2002〕14号文件下发以来的成功经验，"提倡村党组织成员和村民委员会成员交叉任职"，同时 强调要从实际出发，不搞一刀切。适应农村人口状况的变化，"提倡把更多女性村民特别是村妇代会主任提名为村民委员会成员候选人"。《通知》坚持和发展了村 委会组织法、中办发〔2002〕14号确定的秘密写票制度，严格规范委托投票，进一步明确使用流动票箱的程序，切实保障农民群众自主表达选举意愿。这就对 规范村委会选举程序提出了明确要求。
――进一步强调要求扎实做好村委会选举后续 工作。《通知》进一步明确由乡级人民政府主持、村党组织参与新老村委会交接工作，要求做好落选人员的思想工作。《通知》明确提出"加强对村民委员会成员履 行选举期间竞职承诺的监督，防止其利用当选职权谋取不正当利益"，明确要求深入开展民主决策实践、民主管理实践和民主监督实践，全面推进村民自治制度化、 规范化和程序化，进一步明确了违法违规决策和村委会成员不履行职责的责任。《通知》首次明确"乡级政府需要委托村民委员会承办的事项，应按照'权随责走、 费随事转'的原则妥善加以解决"，为建立村级组织运转经费长效保障机制提供了政策依据。这就对做好村委会选举的后续工作提出了明确要求。
――进一步强调要加强对村委会选举工作的组 织领导。《通知》首次明确了县级党委书记是村委会选举工作的第一责任人，乡级党委书记是直接责任人，进一步强调了党委领导、人大监督、政府实施、各有关部 门密切配合的工作体制和运行机制，明确了各部门的职责。为切实化解由村委会选举引发的社会矛盾，《通知》要求认真做好群众来信来访工作，县乡两级村委会换 届选举工作领导机构与工作机构都要向社会公布办公地址和工作电话，提供咨询服务。在总结近年来各地加强村委会选举监督成功经验的基础上，明确提出"要积极 探索舆论监督以及各级党代表、人大代表、政协委员担任选举监督员等形式，加强社会力量对选举工作的监督"。同时，《通知》还对村委会选举的舆论宣传工作提 出了要求，努力营造和谐选举的良好局面。
记者：村委会选举中存在一些违法违规现象，突出表现在贿选问题上，请问如何有效制止村委会选举中的贿选行为？
李学举：近年来随着新农村建设的不断推进， 村组干部的物质待遇、荣誉感进一步增强，农村工作的吸引力进一步加大，吸引了越来越多的乡村能人参与村委会选举，选举竞争的激烈程度一届比一届增加。我们 应当客观看到，在村委会选举制度化、规范化和程序化不断提升的同时，在一些地方出现了村委会选举的违法违规现象，正如你说的，突出表现在贿选问题上。这些 问题是村委会选举的副产品，虽然是少数，但也必须高度重视，采取切实有效的措施进行治理。从实践上看，要做好三个方面的工作：
一是加强对村民群众和候选人的思想教育。要 在农民群众中广泛深入开展社会主义民主法治教育，使他们了解村委会选举的基本程序，珍惜民主权利。要大力宣传党的十七大和十七届三中全会精神，宣传村委会 选举的政策法规，形成正面引导的强大声势。要引导候选人坚持社会主义荣辱观，正确对待自己、其他候选人和村民，正确对待困难、挫折和荣誉，促进理性公平竞 争。
二是完善村委会选举程序。要着重做好对候选 人治村设想或竞职承诺的审核把关工作，治村设想或竞职承诺不得有与宪法、法律、法规和国家政策相抵触的内容。要完善村务公开和民主管理制度，对候选人承诺 捐助村集体的资金或物资，不应由候选人在选举前或选举后私自决定分配方案，而应交由依法选举产生的村委会组织召开村民会议或村民代表会议民主讨论决定。要 规范候选人的竞争行为，搭建公平选举平台，禁止候选人或候选人指使的人私下拉票，变地下选举为阳光选举。要全面设立秘密划票处，普遍实行秘密写票制度，保 障农民群众在无干扰的情况下自主表达自己的选举意愿。
三是加大对村委会选举中的贿选等违法违纪行 为的查处力度。《通知》首次对贿选的概念作出界定，指出"在村民委员会选举的过程中，候选人及其亲友直接或指使他人用财物或者其他利益收买本村选民、选举 工作人员或者其他候选人，影响或左右选民意愿的，都是贿选"。《通知》进一步明确了贿选等违法违纪行为的责任追究、查处主体以及违法违纪应承担的责任。同 时，要严肃查处选举工作人员违法违纪行为。我们相信，《通知》的下发必将很好地纠正、遏制近年来村委会选举中出现的贿选等违法违纪现象。
记者：民政部门是指导村委会选举的职能部门，请您介绍一下民政部宣传贯彻文件的打算？
李学举：新形势下加强和改进村委会选举工作的大政方针已经确定，关键是要以求真务实的精神和作风抓好贯彻落实。当前，民政部门在贯彻执行《通知》上，要着重抓好以下几方面的工作。
――要抓好《通知》的学习工作。各级民政部 门的领导干部要以身作则、带头学习、掌握精神，并督促下级机关和普通干部认真学习。从事村委会选举工作的同志，要自觉学习、吃透精神、掌握政策。正在举行 和将要举行村委会选举工作的地方要举办不同类型的专题培训班，深入开展学习培训活动，真正把《通知》精神贯彻落实到工作之中。
――要抓好《通知》的宣传工作。各级民政部 门要会同党委、政府有关部门向农村基层干部群众广泛宣传《通知》精神，把为什么举行村委会选举、应该选举什么样的人进村委会、什么样的选举行为为法律法规 所允许等问题，通过多种方式清清楚楚地告诉广大村民群众，引导他们行使好自己的民主权利，引导候选人理性公平竞争，使《通知》精神家喻户晓、深入人心。
――要抓好村委会选举制度健全和完善工作。 各地要按照《通知》精神，对现有规章制度进行一次检查和清理，凡是与《通知》精神相一致的，要继续坚持，并不断丰富完善；不一致的，必须尽快修改或废止， 切实抓好村委会选举规章制度的完善工作。要以县（市、区）为单位对近年来开展村委会选举工作的情况进行一次回顾和总结，有针对性地进行自查自纠，不断提高 村委会选举的制度化、规范化和程序化水平。当前特别要积极会同有关部门坚决制止和查处贿选行为，坚决纠正、遏制村委会选举中出现的违法违纪现象。
――要抓好民政部门指导村委会选举工作能力 建设。要大力充实民政部门特别是县乡民政部门指导村委会选举工作力量，对于长期存在的工作力量不够、经费不足、手段缺乏等问题，民政部门自身能够解决的， 应当及时解决；民政部门难以自行解决的，要报请当地党委、人大、政府尽快协调解决，保证中央政令畅通。
不满村委会主任连任 村民大闹选举现场获刑
发布时间： 2009-6-10 中国台州网 http://www.taizhou.com.cn
因不满上届村委会主任在本届选举时连任村主任，三村民有预谋地大闹选举投票现场，殴打机关工作人员，砸坏公物，扰乱选举秩序，前天，他们被温岭市人民法院一审以妨害公务罪分别判了有期徒刑。
去年5月14日上午，温岭市城南镇上岙村村民委员会在该村村部进行第八届村民委员会选举，城南镇政府派工作人员在会场维护秩序。当选举进入统计票数尾声 时，上一届村委会主任张富明因得票数领先，连任的结果已基本明确。此时在现场的村民老林因不满张富明继续当选该村村委会主任，大声喊了一句"我们可以行动 了。"随即，老林、大林（女）、小林对维护秩序的城南镇工作人员钟振耀、赵维新、王文标、柯涛、吴辉、吴云华、王文明、程玲华等人进行殴打，并砸坏选举现 场的办公桌和玻璃窗等物，致使选举工作中断。经鉴定，钟振耀等五人的损伤程度均已构成轻微伤；被砸坏的办公桌、玻璃窗损失价值人民币256元。
法院认为，被告人老林、大林、小林结伙，以暴力方法阻碍国家机关工作人员依法执行职务，致五人轻微伤，其行为均已构成妨害公务罪，系共同犯罪。遂根据情节，一审判处老林有期徒刑1年，缓刑2年；小林有期徒刑1年，缓刑2年；大林有期徒刑1年，缓刑1年。
新闻来源： 台州晚报 作者： 叶长杉
新华社-中国民主：从“草根”做起
2009年06月04日 来源：新华社
正在中国许多村落热热闹闹进行的三年一度的"大选"――村委会换届选举让孙国清激动不已。作为中国２３年前通过"海选"产生的第一位村官，５９岁的孙国清密切关注所有关于村委会选举的新闻，虽然他所在的吉林省梨树县北老壕村要在明年才开始换届。
回忆起１９８６年冬天那场选举孙国清至今很感慨。"当时是因为村领导班子不和，村支部领导又为乡镇政府委派只对乡里负责，许多关系到村民利益的工作开展 不了，乡政府才决定把我们村作为试点，让村民通过投票自己选村委主任的。"他说，"领导解决不了的事情，交给群众自己解决，初衷就这么简单。"
有文化，热心村务，并且当过小队会计的孙国清作为惟一入选的普通村民，与其他８名村干部当选梨树县北老壕村新一届村委会成员。这次选举因为"政府事先不 划框子，不定调子，不提候选人"，被村民们称为"海选"――他们要像从大海里捞取珍珠一样不受任何限制地选择自己信任的人。
让孙国清没有想到的是，梨树县的"海选"经验作为当时中国诸多民主试验中的典范很快在全国推广，中国于次年通过了《村民委员会组织法（试行）》并在１９８８年修订后正式施行，农村基层直接选举方式在中国从此有了法律的指导和保护。
经过２０多年的发展，这一被称为"草根民主"的中国土生土长的民主制度日渐规范。选举方式已由最初的画圈法、划杠法、甚至是"投豆法"――向自己支持的候选人背后的碗里投一粒豆子，发展至如今由村民领取选举卡在秘密划票间填写要选的村委会正副主任和委员名字。
据了解，目前中国有些村是先"海选"候选人，即先由村民投票确定候选人、再从中选举出村干部的"有候选人选举"；有些村则是直接"海选"村干部，即"无提名候选人选举"，梨树县北老壕村采用的就是这种选举方式。
正在陆续进行的中国村委会换届选举中，已经选举完毕的１８个省份有１６个试点了"无提名候选人选举"的办法，大大降低了选民参与成本。
"农村村民自治是中国亿万农民获得生产经营自主权后，迫切希望用政治上的民主权利来保障经济上自主权利的产物。"长期关注中国村委选举的华中师范大学农 村问题研究中心主任徐勇教授说："村委会选举是村级民主的起点，它促使民主机器运转起来，将民主从书上、墙上引向田间地头。"
民政部基层政权和社区建设司司长詹成付表示，目前，中国农村基层选举已实现了由委任制到选举制、从间接选举到直接选举，从民主化程度较低到民主化程度较高的三个转变。
作为"中国式的草根民主"，村民自治顺应了农村改革需要，已成为在农村基层实行的一项基本治理制度，但因村级直接选举制度确立时间不长，许多方面还有待完善，出现了包括贿选在内的一些违法现象。
孙国清就认为，同２０多年前自己当选时相比，现在农村某些地方的海选"不像那时那么纯了。有的有点变了味，多多少少有了些家族势力、经济实力和人脉关系的影子在里头。"
此间观察人士认为，中国农村基层民主已经走到十字路口，出现这样的情况是基层民主发展的阵痛。要摆脱贿选等困境，离不开选举程序的规范和技术细节的完 善，只有通过程序性、细节性、技术性的制度改进，才能阻挡选举中出现的各种"险情"和"偏差"，真正反映最广大农民和居民这些"草根"阶层的利益。
"首先要看到中国基层民主建设确实取得了很大进展，出现贿选从另一个方面说明村委会真正有了权，说明基层民主建设逐渐变实，村民很看重这个选举。"国家行政学院公共管理研究部教授王伟接受记者采访时说。
为了保障村民委员会选举的公正有序，保障村民享有更多民主权利以及农村社会的和谐稳定，中共中央办公厅、国务院办公厅日前印发了《关于加强和改进村民委员会选举工作的通知》，要求进一步明确贿选的界限，加强监督，坚决制止拉票贿选行为，确保换届选举公正有序。
"两办出台的这个通知非常及时，它对规范村委会选举使之更加科学化提出了非常具体的措施，可视为是对《村民委员会组织法》的重要补充。"中国社会科学院农村发展研究所农村政策研究中心主任李成贵说。
他认为，就目前中国国情而言，基层民主建设最根本的是要提高民主意识，同时必须有一定的机制和措施，这就需要国家层面制定相应的措施。
在中国农村持续推进村民自治的同时，同为"草根民主"的城市社区直选覆盖面也在进一步扩大。中国民政部表示，２０１０年前将在５０％的城市社区实现居委会直选，届时更多社区居民将按自己的意愿选举被称为"小巷总理"的居委会成员。
而那些"工作在城市，选举在农村"的农民工也正通过各种方式，享有属于他们的民主权利。２００７年，多位代表联名向全国人大提交议案，建议将完全按户籍 人口分配代表名额的规定，改为以常住人口为准计算代表名额。次年，作为农民工代表，打工妹胡小燕等三人被选为全国人大代表，农民工首次进入了中国最高国家 权力机关。
"发展社会主义民主政治，说到底是人民当家作主的问题，其最广泛的表现形式就是村民自治和居民自治，这是中国民主政治发展的基础。"王伟说。
距离明年换届选举还有整整一年时间，孙国清已经开始"物色"自己心中的人选。"我们村现任村委会主任付金华跟我一样，也是'海选'出来的，以前也做过会计，人很热心。"
"明年选谁？保密！不管选谁，谁当选，只要是我们农民自己选的，好好替百姓做事，我们选民就满意。"孙国清说。
作为农业大国，中国拥有约９亿农民，其中农民工有２亿多。截至２００８年底，中国６０多万个行政村中共有村委会６０．４万个，经依法民主选举产生的村委 会成员２３０多万人，已有９５％以上的村委会依法实行了直接选举。（执笔：李云路 桂涛，记者：王小鹏 张展鹏 马扬 张云龙）
2009年6月17日星期三
Iran's Lesson: Even in a Tainted Election, Voting Still Matters
By AZADEH MOAVENI Azadeh Moaveni – Tue Jun 16, 11:25 am ET
Four years ago, during a similarly sultry Tehran summer, I had an argument with Shirin Ebadi about whether Iranians should vote in their country's presidential elections. The human-rights lawyer and Nobel Peace Prize laureate believed that Iranians should boycott the vote. She argued coolly that people's participation lent legitimacy to an undemocratic regime's flawed electoral process. At the time, I found her view frustratingly staid, the stance of someone who had lost touch with young people's immediate concerns. I felt that boycotting elections made a prize of abstract ideals over daily realities. I had experienced Iran in both the repressive late 1990s and the relatively more open years of reformist president Mohammad Khatami, and not choosing a more open government - however imperfect the process of choice - seemed inconceivable to me.
That summer of 2005, many Iranians actually heeded Ebadi's call and boycotted the vote. This helped the election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the firebrand leader who proceeded to gut the country's economy and sully Iran's reputation in the world. Reformist politicians, whose candidates had fared badly at the polls, told moderate Iranians that they were to blame for Ahmadinejad's victory. If the so called "silent majority" - the millions of middle-class, educated Iranians who seek more freedom and economic opportunity - had voted, the emerging wisdom went, then the country wouldn't have been lost to the lunatic with the peculiar windbreaker. (See pictures from the tumultuous Iranian election.)
In the four years that followed, many Iranians bitterly regretted their decision not to vote. I was living in Beirut in 2005, and failed to cast my ballot at the Iranian embassy there. When I moved to Iran later that year and began to suffer the slowly emerging consequences of Ahmadinejad's victory, I scolded myself daily. Ambivalence and laziness had gotten the better of me, and I deserved to suffer the consequences. I also scolded all my friends and relatives who hadn't voted. When they complained about double-digit inflation, a real estate price hike of 150%, five-hour lines for gas (the government had botched a plan to drop gas subsidies), Internet censorship, government plans to facilitate polygamy and gender segregation in classrooms, I told them they were to blame, not Islamic theocracy. They had chosen not to elect a better leader. (Check out the five reasons to be suspicious of Iran's election results.)
Even as recently as six months ago, many in Iran were ambivalent about voting in this election. "Why should I bother to vote when my vote isn't respected?" a shopkeeper in eastern Tehran said to me. His wife, he said, was already hectoring him to vote. "She thinks it will make a difference. She'll probably make me in the end." Given the inertia and skepticism that reigned just a few months ago, the sudden energizing of public sentiment in the three weeks preceding the election was extraordinary. Seemingly overnight, Iranians sloughed their cynicism, and began to follow the campaign avidly. Whatever you attributed this to - a delayed realization of what was at stake, the contagious energy of a youthful campaign that began taking to the streets - the sense of responsibility Iranians began to feel for the election's outcome was tremendous and unprecedented.
Relatives and friends that I never expected to vote decided to participate. From Tabriz to Tehran to Mashhad, from Bonn to London to Virginia, they waited in long lines at polling stations, determined not to let the country slide further into penury and isolation, not to let 2005 repeat itself. I was thrilled when some friends e-mailed to say I had helped encourage them to vote. I recently published a memoir of life in Iran under Ahmadinejad, invoking in detail how destructive it was to boycott elections. I wrote about the day I was led off to a police van, my baby in tow, because a teenage policewoman considered my sleeves too short. This sort of experience spurred my own desire to vote, to try to change the grim, Talibanesque country Iran had become under Ahmadinejad.
Though people outside Iran tend to believe that the country's elections are always rigged, the truth, at least until recently, was that the regime manipulated results by only a fraction of percentage points. I never imagined that the election could be hijacked entirely, that fraud could be committed on such an enormous scale. In the decade that I've covered Iran as a journalist, it seemed the regime still cared too much about its legitimacy to tamper dramatically with the people's will. The constitution, after all, enshrines the will of the people as the basis for sovereignty, and the pretense of democracy has characterized Iran's revolution as much as political Islam.
I spent nearly three weeks in Iran over the winter, talking to clerics, students, street laborers and professionals. People's anger and despair over Ahmadinejad's mismanagement of the economy pulsed throughout Tehran. People were not just discontent, they were punching-the-wall furious. Dismissing opposition to Ahmadinejad as a north Tehran phenomenon, limited only to affluent urban areas, is insulting to the millions of middle-class Iranians who have suffered the most under his tenure. As a rule, affluent Iranians aren't much affected by high inflation and unemployment. As the foreclosure crisis in the United States has shown, it is people of modest or low income who feel the pinch when an economy falters.
I started sniffing around the question of the President's much-discussed popularity in smaller cities and rural areas. Family and friends whom I trusted, people who spent time regularly outside Tehran, said rural Iranians weren't as pleased with Ahmadinejad as was supposed. For every hospital he had built, there was a promise either undelivered, or delivered so shoddily that the project at hand, a bridge or a road, was unusable. I applied for official permission to report a story on the President's popularity outside Tehran, and was turned down. Given the government's constant griping about the Western media only assessing Ahmadinejad through urban attitudes, this seemed suspect. (See pictures of Iran's response to the election results at LIFE.com.)
Despite this, I never for a moment imagined the regime would fix the vote. Others were less sanguine. The thousands of Iranians who were following the run-up to the vote on Facebook fretted about whether the vote would be clean. Each day brought with it a panicked spread of messages about anticipated vote-tampering: take your own pen to the ballot box, Ahmadinejad's supporters are spreading pens whose ink will evaporate after a few hours; don't listen to anyone who tells you that Mousavi supporters are supposed to vote at schools, it's a plot to tamper with his votes.
The notion that Ahmadinejad won this election by a landslide is farcical. And the tepid response of Western governments, who are clearly most concerned with nuclear negotiations under another Ahmadinejad government, has been shameful. If it hadn't been for the extraordinarily high turnout in Friday's election, the fraudulent result would not have been such a watershed moment for Iran. That Iranians buried their cynicism and turned out in such record numbers to vote is what makes this such a bleak and precarious moment for the nation. Any vestige of legitimacy that the government might have had in many Iranians' eyes is now irrevocably lost. Iran is now on par with nations like Egypt and Syria, where leaders are elected by 99% of the vote in sham elections that bear no pretense to democracy.
I am not ashamed of having voted in Iranian elections past, but I have a fresh appreciation for the wisdom of Shirin Ebadi, who from long experience battling the Iranian regime had accurately recognized her foe. And I am still not certain that I will boycott elections in the future. If people had not voted in Iran on such a grand scale, the world would have assumed once again that people had chosen Ahmadinejad as their President. Now Iranians have made their discontent clear, and though their votes have been discounted, their voices have been heard. Ahmadinejad may remain President of Iran, but his legitimacy has been shaken to its core, not just before his nation but before the world. Iranians managed that by voting, and it is a powerful accomplishment indeed.
Azadeh Moaveni, a former Tehran correspondent for TIME, is the author of Honeymoon in Tehran and Lipstick Jihad. She is co-author of Shirin Ebadi's autobiography.
2009年6月14日星期日
RFA：河南“全国民主示范村”村官一手遮天
来源：自由亚洲电台
河南焦作市白庄村村民反映在"全国民主法制示范村"冠冕之下，村支书一手遮天打击异己，私卖土地导致村民赤贫的真实景象。而近期上访到北京举报的村民更不断遭到报复。
据本台消息，河南省焦作市马村区白庄村村民自从月初往北京上访，举报该村横行私卖土地民不聊生的情况后，几名维权代表一周以来不断受到骚扰恐吓，家中门窗三番五次被砸，人身自由受限制，千余张侮辱谩骂他们的大字报，更从焦作第六中学一直贴到白庄村延绵三公里。
其中一名女村民代表陈义德无奈出逃，再次往北京上访，她周五接受记者采访时说："他把我的店都砸了，门什么的都被砸。他帖我小字报，派人一直跟踪我，不让我出去。我偷偷的，穿着拖鞋出门，来到北京。"
据反映今年2月，有村民往村委会讨要土地补偿款时遭到暴打，其他村民往医院探望时再遭殴打。4月，村民代表卢小三被以一宗十几年前已经有定论的亏空公款案件为名抓捕拘押至今。
而讽刺的是，这种情况竟然发生在一个拥有"全国民主法治示范村"、"全省五好农村党支部"、"全市发展个体经济先进村"冠冕，被媒体树为典范的村庄里面。
村民说种种冠冕只是村支书李铁山对下铁腕，对上欺瞒营造出的假象。在豪华的村委会，簇新整齐的新房后，掩盖着数千亩、几乎所有农地都被村官圈占买卖，补偿款分文不到村民手中的惨况。这个有5、6千人的村庄，壮丁离乡背井打工谋生，其余村民两年来依靠每人每月5斤米25斤面，加上去年中开始的10块钱补贴为生。
另一位村民代表卢师寿说："几千亩土地被征用，我们村民没有得到分文土地补偿和安置补助。这两年就是每月5斤米25斤面，去年每人每月10元补助费，根本吃不上菜和肉，如果有病的话我们只能等死了。"
而所谓全村整体搬迁，建设标准化高层住宅小区的幌子背后是搞房地产开发，已经赤贫的村民还要贴钱买房。在村中土地被圈占倒卖所剩无几之际，村支书两个月前更宣布要征用有六百多年历史，安葬了上万先人的公墓---卢家陵园。
另一位不愿透露姓名的村民周五告诉本台说："以建设新农村为名，盖了几十栋危楼，要强行拆迁我们住了几百年的村庄。我们的卢家坟，600年历史了，一百多亩大，上万棵坟头，现在他们欺上瞒下打砸抢，要我们搬，他们说要盖楼，要我们迁。现在不讲道理不讲条件，十几年来白庄村处在白色恐怖下，现在老百姓无法生存了。你可以实地考察一下，到底白庄村过去和现在生活发生了多大的变化。
白庄村04年被评为"全国民主法制示范村"，而对于村民来说，每次换届选举只是意味着又到了凭一张空白选票前往村委领取洗衣粉的时间。村民说他们并非放弃民主的权利，而是根本就不会有公开点票唱票，表示异议还可能遭到已经连任了17年的村支书李铁山的打击报复。该村成为所谓民主典范的其中一个卖点- -村民代表制的管理会议上，代表张广玉就曾因举手提出不同意见，事后被黑社会人员打断了双腿，住院3个月。
张广玉周五接受采访时说："我是群众选出来的代表，给他提意见，他就命令人打我。就跟旧社会日本人进村一样，他李铁山两三年来都有保镖，还雇用黑社会，以管治安的藉口来镇压老百姓。"
村民们07年开始集体上访举报至今未有任何结果，他们认为被冠诸该村的各种美誉不过是上级政府的蔽目一叶，而又有哪一家媒体敢于报导新农村典范原是一个美丽的谎言呢？卢师寿说："哎呀，甭说了，人家已经贿赂了，再一个就是我们村是先进党支部是一面红旗，人家不让报导。"
2009年6月5日星期五
Young, gifted and red: the Communist party's quiet revolution
China at the crossroads
World's largest political party has consolidated its iron grip by transforming itself and its relationship with the Chinese public
阅读中文 | Read this in Chinese
Tania Branigan in Beijing
Jerry, a bright undergraduate, has been trying to join for three years. Hope, pursuing a philosophy doctorate, dreams of changing society. Tina just wanted a job.
These young, well-educated, cosmopolitan women are the new face of the Communist party: an institution popularly regarded abroad as ageing, male and moribund.
It's become commonplace to contrast China's economic revolution with its lack of democratic progress. Since the bloody suppression of 1989's student protests, political reform appears to have stalled.
Last week, in posthumously released secret memoirs, Zhao Ziyang � the reformist leader ousted due to that movement � warned that China must move towards western-style democracy.
But the party's number two, Wu Bangguo, ruled that out this spring. Censorship is increasingly sophisticated. A groundbreaking intellectual call for reforms, Charter 08, gained thousands of signatures and was quashed; five months on, one of its authors, Liu Xiaobo, remains in detention. Gao Zhisheng, a human rights lawyer, gave a detailed account of torture by the authorities. Now he has simply disappeared.
But behind this apparent stasis lies a more complex tale: of an evolving party that has consolidated its iron grip precisely by transforming itself and its relationship with the public.
With more than 74 million members � up from 50 million in the early 1990s � it is the largest political party in the world. There are millionaire members, branches in Wal-Marts and plans to open a branch on the first Chinese space station. Senior cadres remain overwhelmingly male, but there is now a compulsory retirement age and even (very low) quotas for women.
In recent years, it has concentrated on targeting the best and brightest. The party has largely transformed itself "from a mass organisation designed for mass mobilisation and ideological campaigns, into a technocratic leadership corps", said Professor Jeremy Paltiel of Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada. Paltiel, an expert on party membership, said that in the 1980s recruits were looked down on by peers as careerists and probably second-rate students.
Some elite students still consider the party � with its attendant political meetings � boring and irrelevant. But between 30% and 50% apply to join the party. An approval rate of about 5% reinforces the desirability of membership: recruiters seek those with top grades, leadership potential and youthful idealism � albeit feigned in some cases.
To rise through the governmental hierarchy, membership is a must.
But it shines out for other employers, too. The draw was not your ideological purity, explained Tina; more the evidence of your accomplishments.
"To be honest I'm a bit embarrassed," the graceful 24-year-old admitted with a blush, twining a long strand of hair around her finger.
"Other people joined because they wanted to help the party and country … My main reason was because it was very hard to find a job."
Spin and polling
Outwardly, the party remains rigidly ideological; members are drilled in Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Three Represents and current president Hu Jintao's Scientific Development Outlook. Hu has, in fact, stepped up political education � perhaps because of an evident disconnect: to many, what the party really stands for is personal advancement, social stability and national unity.
"There's a difference between believing in Marxism and being a party member," one said drily.
For the last two decades, the party's mission had been to "maintain the brand but change the content", suggested Anne-Marie Brady, associate professor of political science at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. Experts have been called in to study political change overseas, culling lessons from New Labour and French and German socialists � and using Gorbachev's reforms as an example of what not to do.
"That learning from the west has been brought back into China and used to maintain and enhance the strength of the current political system," Brady said.
The government has modernised its techniques as well as its cadres.
It is now an assiduous user of opinion polling and sophisticated spin techniques, showing greater responsiveness to public opinion. Unlike its models overseas, it does not require votes: but it needs at least tacit support.
Allowing people more space to challenge the status quo may, in fact, help to perpetuate the system, providing outlets for frustration and dissent � as long as there are no attempts to organise independently; what the party fears most are alternative power structures.
When public outrage becomes widespread and dangerous � over tainted baby milk, for example � authorities often seek to assuage it before stamping it out. Bloggers may be allowed to have their say before the shutters come down. Official heads may roll. New initiatives may be announced.
The demands of Chinese citizens have carved out greater � albeit variable � space to criticise lower-ranking officials or hold them to account, engage in public affairs, debate ideas and take part in an emerging civil society.
Yet lawyers, activists and dissident intellectuals are routinely harassed and threatened. Even parents who lost their children in the Sichuan earthquake have been bullied and detained for protesting about shoddily built schools.
"If [people] don't touch the line, they can do a lot of things. But there is a line there," said Hope.
She's a softly spoken, thoughtful young woman, who chooses to meet in an artsy cafe near one of the country's top universities, where as many as two-thirds of her classmates are party members.
Like others, she asks to be identified only by her English nickname. But she is candid about her initial hesitation when invited to join, and her ultimate decision to do so.
"It's easy to be a critic, but then maybe you can't change society. You can do more inside the system than without," she said.
"Students can see its problems, but still think China can do much better under its leadership. They want to go into the system and maybe make a little change. Maybe some people have an underlying motive: more desire for power. But quite a lot really want to do something to change the country."
For most, she thought, a priority was freedom of information and the rule of law; only some wanted multi-party elections.
"Chinese people don't hope to go the western way � but hope for a powerful government to restore social justice," she suggested.
Using the D-word
It is hard to generalise about what a diverse nation of 1.3 billion people without freedom of expression really think; and impossible to know what they might believe without government censorship and propaganda.
But the Asian Barometer study of political attitudes, the most comprehensive to date, came up with some surprising findings. In mainland China, 53.8% believed a democratic system was preferable.
Then came the kicker. Asked how democratic it is now, on a scale of one to 10, the Chinese placed their nation at 7.22 � third in Asia and well ahead of Japan, the Philippines and South Korea.
"Chinese political culture makes people understand democracy in a different way, and this gives the regime much manipulating space," concluded Dr Tianjin Shi.
To the confusion of some western observers, Hu's speech to the last party congress used the D-word more than 60 times.
"They would like to talk about democracy with Chinese characteristics. My problem is that no one really can offer a definition of what that is," said Dr Yawei Liu of the Carter Centre's China Programme, which works with Chinese officials to improve elections and civic education.
"If you look at civic activism, what's taking place in cyberspace and what's going on in 600,000 villages in China [with grassroots elections] they all seem to indicate there's still a push from the top and most importantly from the bottom to expand political reform … The problem is how grassroots efforts could be elevated to a higher level and whether the leadership has the wisdom and courage to move forward with an agenda."
Since the mushrooming and then suppression of the Tiananmen democracy protests amid a split between reformists and conservatives, China's leaders have concluded that cracks at the top can only lead to disaster.
Maintaining consensus � at least in public � has been central to their operation. If anyone is pushing for major reform, it is not evident.
Hundreds of millions in China already go to the polls to choose low-level representatives. But efforts to promote and expand village elections � widely lauded in the 1990s � appear to have stalled.
Recent experiments, such as the use of deliberative democracy in setting budgets and awarding a greater say in the selection of local party secretaries, offer clues to possible routes towards or alternatives to a multi-party system. Yet so far, they stand alone.
Optimists suggest that economic rights lead inevitably to greater hunger for political freedom. But others fear that capitalism has created vested interests that entrench the system.
Professor Sun Liping, a sociologist at Tsinghua University � and the doctoral supervisor of vice-president and heir apparent Xi Jinping � warned earlier this year that China's greatest danger was not social instability, as authorities say, but instead "social decay", with rising inequality and alienation.
"The fundamental cause … is the marriage between political power and capitalism," he wrote.
"The two have joined hands in China … We thought power would be constrained in a market economy. But we have now seen that power has acquired higher value and greater space for exertion."
If you can't beat 'em
"The economy is improving, society is improving but there is no improvement in elections," complained Yao Lifa. He could be the mirror image of Tina and Hope: a 50-year-old, largely self-educated man from the provinces who tried to beat 'em, not join 'em.
He began competing for a seat in his local people's congress in Hubei in 1987, when the election law was first promulgated. After 12 years of harassment and dogged campaigning as an independent candidate, he won. Later he was turfed out again. He has been detained on "at least" 10 occasions, often for promoting voting rights.
The elections are fake, he argues, because the system can't tolerate genuine democratic contests.
"The law only states that people have the right to vote; there are no rules to protect this right. When your right to vote is harmed, you can't even set up a case in the court," he said.
"But there is no reason to say western democracy does not fit China. Chinese authorities say people's education level is too low and our economy is still not developed. But how was the economic and educational situation in the west hundreds of years ago?"
How many compatriots share his views is another matter.
People in China complain bitterly about official corruption, inefficiency and brutality. But � as the government reminds them � multi-party elections do not guarantee good governance or stability. After decades of turmoil, many seem willing to settle for a quiet life and economic wellbeing � at least for now. There's little sign that the current economic downturn is leading to widespread social unrest � still less open opposition to the government.
"Basically, I think they're doing a very good job," Tina said earnestly.
"China's so big, but it's not wealthy. The leadership have helped it develop fast. I looked at the G20 meeting in London and felt kind of proud of the government; foreign countries really hope that China can help.
"Maybe other people think oh, China, there's no freedom. But it's not easy to make everything perfect."
• This article was amended on 22 May 2009. The original had Anne-Marie Brady saying that the Communist party's mission in recent decades had been to "maintain the brain but change the content". This has been corrected.
又红又专的青年－－ 中国共产党的无声革命
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/20/china
- Tania Branigan
- guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 20 May 2009 17.51 BST
- Article history
・ Jerry，一名聪颖的大学生，要求入党已经三年了。Hope，在读博士生，她的梦想是改变社会。Tina，只是想找份好工作。
・ 这些年轻、受过良好教育的都市女性，构成了中国共产党新的面孔；而在海外，中国共产党的典型形象仍旧与老年男性和陈腐相关联。中国民主进程的步履蹒跚，会常常被拿来与中国的经济腾飞作比。而自 1989 学生示威活动遭流血镇压后，中国的政治改革似乎就停止了脚步。
・ 已 故中国前总书记赵紫阳的秘密回忆录于上周问世。赵紫阳作为改革派领导人，因受那场运动牵连而下台。在回忆录中他警示中国必须向西方的民主模式过渡。然而， 中国共产党目前的二号人物吴邦国在今年春天却已然排除了这种可能。中国的信息审查机制越来越缜密。一份前所未有，由知识分子发出要求政治改革的呼吁－－零 八宪章，在引来数千人签名支持后被压制。这一事件五个月后的今天，作者之一刘晓波仍然在押。人权律师高智晟，曾详细描述受到当局刑讯的状况；而现在，他已 不见踪影。
・ 然而，在上述停滞的表象后面，是一个复杂得多的故事：这个演进之中的政党，恰恰正在通过改变自身及其与民众的关系，来巩固其铁腕统治。
・ 从 1990 年代初的五千万人到目前的七千四百万人，中国共产党是世界上最大的政党。党员中不乏百万富翁，党支部从世界零售巨头沃尔玛，延伸到中国的第一个空间站。党 内高级职务绝大部分仍由男性担任，但已实施强制性的退休年龄。而在领导人中甚至有固定分配给女性的名额（虽然很低）。
・ 近年来，中共逐步开始 把目光锁定于那些最优秀、最聪慧的人才。共产党已经逐步将自身"由一个着眼于群众和意识形态运动的庞大组织，转型为专家治国（technocratic） 的领导团队。"卡尔顿大学专门研究政党成员问题的教授杰里米・帕蒂（Jeremy Paltiel）这样介绍。
・ 在1980年代，要求入党的人往往会被同学认为是钻营，学业也并非一流。
・ 现 在的一些学生精英仍旧会把党和它的那些政治会议当作是无聊且与己不相干的。但仍有30%到50%的学生申请入党。而5%的接受率进一步突出了党员资格的炙 手可热：选拔者们会挑选那些学习成绩优秀、有领导潜质，以及拥有年轻人理想主义的学生－－虽然有时候这种理想主义并非发自内心。
・ 要在政府中获得升迁，党员资格是必须的。但在其他雇主面前，党员也是金字招牌。入党并不证明你在意识形态方面有多纯粹，Tina解释道，这更多是个人成就的标志。
・ "说实话，说来惭愧，"这位优雅的24岁女生红着脸承认道，手指捋着自己的一绺长发。
・ "别人入党的原因是因为想为党和国家作贡献......可我的主要原因是工作难找。"
・ 舆论诱导与民意调查
・ 从外表上看，党仍旧坚持其意识形态。党员要学习马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论、三个代表以及胡锦涛主席的科学发展观。胡锦涛也确实加强了政治教育－－或许是由于现实与理论的明显脱节：对很多人来说，党真正代表的是个人成就、社会稳定和国家团结。
・ "相信马克思主义和成为党员是两回事，" 她们中的一人很自然地说道。
・ 新西兰坎特布里大学政治学教授安・玛丽・布雷迪（Anne-Marie Brady）称，过去两年间，共产党的路线是"老瓶装新酒"。专家被请来研究国外的政治变革，从新工党和法国、德国的社会主义政党吸取经验，并以戈尔巴乔夫的改革作为前车之鉴。
・ 她说："向西方学习的经验被移植到中国，以维护和改进目前的政治体系。"
・ 政府在技巧方法和干部队伍方面都进行了现代化。中国政府现在已经是民意调查的高手并能娴熟使用缜密的舆论诱导工具（spin technique），同时对民意做出反馈也更加有效。当然，与其所学习的国外对象不同，中国政府不需要经过选举产生；但至少，它需要民众的默许。
・ 允许人民在一定的范围内质疑现状，为不满与异议提供发泄的出口，实际上有助于其体系的长治久安――只要没有进行独立组织的企图即可。中共最担心的是有可以取代其的权力结构存在。
・ 当公愤已经广泛传播并进入危险状态时（如毒奶粉一案），政府在采取强硬措施之前通常会采取安抚手段；闸门关闭之前，博主们也许会允许发表一定见解；政府官员会被要求下课；新措施可能会公布。
・ 来自中国公民的需求，已经逐步创造出一块更广阔，但不确定的空间。他们可以批评低级别的政府官员或迫使他们承担责任，可以参与公共事务，就想法进行辩论，参与一个逐渐成型的公民社会。
・ 然而律师、社会活动家和异议知识分子仍旧时常受到骚扰和威胁。甚至有些在四川地震中丧失孩子的父母，因为抗议学校建筑质量问题而遭到恫吓与监禁。
・ "如果[人们]不触碰那条线，他们有很多事可做。但是确实有那么一条线存在。"Hope如是说。
・ Hope 是一位语气温和，很细心的女孩子。她选择了在一所中国顶级学府附近雅致的咖啡馆与我见面。在这所学校里，Hope的同学中三分之二是党员。
・ 如同其他几位受访者，她要求在本文中只使用她的英语昵称。但她坦承最初入党前的犹豫，以及最终加入的决定。
・ "做批判者很容易，但也许你会无法改变社会。而如果你身在体系之中，就可以比在体系之外做更多的事。"她说道。
・ "学生们能看到党的问题，但仍旧认为在党的领导下，中国能发展得更好。他们想加入到体系中去，或许能产生些微小的改变。也许有人在内心深处有权力欲的动机，但很多人真的是想做些什么改变国家。"
・ 她认为，对于大多数人来说首要的是信息自由与法治。只有少数人期望多党竞选制度。
・ 她说道："中国人民不希望走西方的道路，而是期待一个强大的政府能够重塑社会公正。"
・ 关于民主
・ 对于一个缺乏言论自由，人口超过十三亿的大国来说，很难将全体人民的所想进行归纳；也难以想象如果没有政府的信息审查与舆论宣传，他们会相信什么。
・ 但亚洲民主调查（Asian Barometer）所进行的、迄今为止有关中国政治态度最翔实的调研，带来了出乎意料的结果。在中国大陆，53.8%的受访者更倾向于民主制度。
・ 而最令人吃惊的是下面这个数据。当被问到受访者所在国家的民主程度（由1到10打分）时，中国受访者给他们的国家评了7.22分。这个分数排在亚洲第三，远远领先日本、菲律宾和韩国。
・ 史田津（音）博士这样总结道："中国的政治文化使得人民对民主有不同的理解。这给了中国政府更多闪转腾挪的空间。"
・ 令西方观察家们困惑不解的是，胡锦涛主席在上届党代会上的讲话中，多达60次提到"民主"这个词。
・ 卡特中心中国问题研究计划的刘亚卫（音）博士说道："中国政府喜欢谈论中国特色的民主。问题是，没人能真正定义中国特色的民主是什么。"该计划协助中国改进选举制度和公民教育。
・ " 如果你从民间行为主义的角度来观察，不论是在互联网上发生的，还是在中国六十万个村庄所进行的基层选举，似乎都在表明，仍然存在着自上而下，以及更重要的 自下而上的，拓展政治改革的推动力……问题是，基层的努力如何能够传递到更高的层面，而领导层是否又有足够的勇气和智慧按既定步骤向前推进。"
・ 自从天安门民主示威活动爆发到被镇压，以及与此同时党内改革派与保守派出现分裂以来，中国领导人得出了这样的结论：高层出现分歧会导致灾难性的结果。
・ 保持一致－－至少在公开范围内，成为其操作的核心准则。于是，即便有谁在推动重大政治改革，这种迹象也没有显示出来。
・ 数以亿计的中国人已经走进投票站，选举低级别的代表。但进一步推动和扩大 1990 年代被广泛赞誉的村级选举制度的努力，目前似乎陷于停滞。
・ 近来的一些实验，如在制定预算时引入审议民主（deliberative democracy）机制，在选择地方党委书记时给予（民众）更多发言权，都让人们看到走向一个多党制体系或其替代形式的可能路径。然而到目前为止，这些实验仍旧是孤立的。
・ 乐观主义者认为经济权利的扩展不可避免地会导致对政治自由的渴望。持不同观点者则认为，资本主义已经造就了既得利益集团，这一集团会维护旧的体系。
・ 清华大学的社会学家孙立平教授，曾是国家副主席习近平的博士导师。习近平目前被广泛认为是中共的接班人。今年早些时候，孙立平警告说中国最大的危险并不是政府所担忧的社会动荡，而是"社会溃败"，以及日渐严重的不平等及疏离。
・ 孙立平写道"造成社会衰败的根本原因是权贵资本主义的形成。"（译注：摘自孙立平原文）
・ "过去很多人把权力和市场看成是截然对立的东西，现在看到这两个东西在中国结合起来了......过去认为权力在市场情况下会受到限制，现在恰恰是市场的出现使得权力有了更大的行使机会和场所。"
・ 孤独的抗争
・ "经济发展了，社会进步了，就是选举没有进步，"姚立法如是说。姚立法是 Tina 和 Hope 的对立面：年届 50，主要靠自学成才，一位来自乡村的男子。他的做法不是入党，而是对着干。
・ 1987 年，当《选举法》刚刚颁布时，姚立法开始竞选湖北省的地方人大代表席位。忍受了十二年的骚扰，经过自己顽强的努力，终于在1998年当选。
・ 之后他终又被扫地出门。他"至少"被拘禁了十次，大多由于对选举权的推动。
・ 他认为，选举是虚假的，因为现有体系不能容忍真正的民主竞争。
・ "法律只是说人民有选举权，但没有相关法律保护这一权利。当你的选举权受到侵犯时，你甚至不能到法庭立案。"他这样说道。
・ "然而没有理由说西方民主不适合中国。中国政府说人民教育水平太低，我们的经济还不发达。但西方几百年前的经济和教育状况又如何呢？"
・ 可是姚立法的同胞中有多少赞同他的观点就是另一回事了。
・ 中 国民众对官僚的腐败、低效与酷政有很多抱怨。然而，如同政府提醒民众的，多党制竞选并不一定能保证良好的治理或稳定。在经历了几十年的动荡之后，很多人似 乎乐意满足于安定的生活和经济上的富足－－至少在眼前。并没有什么迹象表明，当前的经济危机会带来广泛的社会群体事件，更不用说公开对政府的反对了。
・ "总的来说，我觉得他们做的相当不错，" Tina很诚恳地说道。
・ "中国这么大，也不富裕。中国的领导人让中国得以快速发展。我关注了伦敦的 G20 峰会，为我们的政府感到自豪。其他国家真的是希望中国能施以援手。"
・ "也许别人会认为，哦，中国没有自由。但让什么都十全十美可不容易。"
注
本译文最初发表于卫报中文合作伙伴译言网，中国有关部门于5月30日要求译言删除本文，因此转发于此。
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